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 李嘉诚的官商之道(双语新闻)

青岛希尼尔翻译咨询有限公司(www.joshualeeproperties.com)整理发布  2015-10-14

  

青岛希尼尔翻译公司(www.joshualeeproperties.com)2015年10月14日了解到: 香港首富和中国官媒不久前各执一词的口水仗,极大地揭示了中共从中国经济崛起中获得的自信。 Mr Li shows CEOs how to deal with China
Last week’s he-said, they-said war of words between Hong Kong’s richest man and Chinese state media says much about the confidence that the Communist party has gained from the country’s economic rise.

In particular, Li Ka-shing’s run-in with the People’s Daily highlights a shift over the past decade in the relationship between the party and business interests — whether recently-minted private sector billionaires or multinational companies. 李嘉诚(Li Ka-shing)与《人民日报》(People’s Daily)的口角,格外凸显了过去10年中共与商界——无论是最近发迹的私营部门亿万富翁还是跨国公司——之间关系的转变。

In the mid-1990s, the then Chinese president Jiang Zemin had been deferential in his dealings with Mr Li and the city’s other tycoons — conscious that Hong Kong investors were at the forefront of a foreign investment bonanza transforming China’s economy. Mr Jiang also knew the tycoons’ support was essential to ensure the UK colony’s smooth transition from British to Chinese rule in 1997. 上世纪90年代中期,时任中国国家主席的江泽民在与李嘉诚及其他香港大亨打交道时姿态较低——他知道香港投资者处于助推中国经济转型的境外投资热潮的最前线。江泽民也知道,这些大亨的支持对于确保1997年香港主权顺利移交至关重要。

At that time, it was inconceivable that commentators at tightly-controlled state media organisation would be able to cast aspersions on Mr Li’s patriotism, or accuse him of selling down his investments on the mainland — accusations that last week prompted an unusual public rebuttal from the usually low-key tycoon. 在那个时候,我们很难想象受到严格管控的官媒机构的评论员可以中伤李嘉诚的爱国精神、或指责他从内地撤资。关于“撤资”的指责使得这位一向低调的企业大亨予以了罕见的公开反驳。

But, today, Mr Li and his Hong Kong peers are not the only big businessmen that the party sees as subjects from whom deference is expected, rather than as natural partners. Chairmen and chief executives from the world’s largest companies, once routinely feted in Beijing, have had their status similarly downgraded. 但是,如今中共认为应对自己展现顺服、而不是应作为自己天然合作伙伴的大商人不只是李嘉诚及其他香港大亨。一度常常受到北京方面盛情款待的那些世界大型企业的董事长和首席执行官们,待遇也都降低了。

Besides Hong Kong investors, Mr Jiang’s other preoccupations in the 1990s included negotiations over China’s accession to the World Trade Organisation. Scarcely a week passed without the chief executive of IBM or some other behemoth dropping by for a chat with China’s president, in an encounter often featured at the top of the evening news on China Central Television. 除了香港的投资者外,上世纪90年代江泽民的当务之急还包括中国加入世贸组织(WTO)的谈判。几乎每周都有IBM或其他大企业的首席执行官顺道造访,与中国国家主席聊一聊,而这种会面通常都会成为中央电视台晚间《新闻联播》的头条。

In a recent memoir, Hank Paulson revealed the remarkable access that he and other investment bank bosses had to top party leaders at that time. There was a simple reason: Mr Jiang and his premier, Zhu Rongji, needed the expertise of the then Goldman Sachs chief executive and his colleagues to pull off their make-or-break restructuring of a bankrupt banking system. 在最近出版的回忆录中,汉克?保尔森(Hank Paulson)披露了当时他和其他投资银行掌门人在与中共高层领导人会面方面享有的极大优待。当时有一个很简单的理由:江泽民及其总理朱镕基需要当时担任高盛(Goldman Sachs)首席执行官的保尔森及其同行的专业知识,来完成中国濒临破产的银行体系孤注一掷的重组。

Once Beijing had secured WTO membership, and finished restructuring its banks, this remarkable era of open collaboration ended. 而当中国获得了WTO成员资格、也完成了银行业重组后,这种令人瞩目的开放式合作的时代也就结束了。

As a new leadership team shifted its focus to the development of China’s rural hinterlands, high-profile meetings with Wall Street’s Masters of the Universe and other corporate titans were no longer politically correct. 随着新一代领导班子将重心转向发展中国内地农村地区,与华尔街(Wall Street)的那些“宇宙主宰者”(Masters of the Universe)以及其他企业巨头高调会面,在政治上便不再正确。

It is a dynamic that continues under the “strongman” presidency of Xi Jinping. In Mr Xi’s world, there is just one Master of the Universe. 在习近平“强人”式执政下,这种趋势继续发展。在习近平的世界里,“宇宙主宰者”只有一个。

Of the current seven members of the party’s most powerful body, the Politburo Standing Committee, only Wang Qishan continues to tap western business contacts on a regular basis, albeit discreetly. Mr Wang held financial portfolios through the Jiang-Zhu era, which has given him an international Rolodex that none of his communist colleagues possess. 在中国最高权力机构中央政治局常委目前的7位常委中,只有王岐山继续定期利用他在西方商界的相识,尽管他是以小心谨慎的态度这样做的。在整个江朱时代,王岐山一直主持金融方面的工作,这使他在国际商界积累了其他中共同僚都没有的联络簿。

But, friends of Wang aside, any foreign executives hoping for top-level access to Mr Xi’s administration must make do with short, highly scripted and content-free encounters — as evidenced by the president’s roundtable with select chief executives during a state visit to the US last month. 但是,除了王岐山的朋友,任何希望接触习近平政府高层的外国高管都只能接受那种简短、高度照本宣科、内容空洞的会面——习近平在上个月访美期间与经过挑选的首席执行官们举行的圆桌会议可以印证这一点。

Yet still they lap it up. Mark Zuckerberg, who speaks broken Chinese and revels in every opportunity to show it off, declared his brief handshake and chat with Mr Xi “a meaningful personal milestone”. 不过,他们仍然劲头十足地接受了;崴狄坏沲拷胖形、并且尽一切机会炫耀自己中文的马克?扎克伯格(Mark Zuckerberg)宣称,他与习近平短暂的握手和交谈“对他个人而言是一个意义重大的里程碑”。

Previously, the Facebook founder had tried to impress Lu Wei, head of the Chinese government body that blocks his company’s website in China. During a tour of Facebook’s offices for China’s censorship tsar last year, a volume of Mr Xi’s speeches was clearly visible on Mr Zuckerberg’s desk. 此前,这位Facebook的创始人还曾试图给鲁炜留下深刻印象——在中国屏蔽了Facebook的中国政府部门正是由后者负责的。去年,在参观Facebook办公室时,这位手握中国互联网审查大权的高官发现,一本收录习近平讲话的书籍赫然摆在扎克伯格的桌上。

Mr Zuckerberg could learn much from Mr Li when it comes to dealing with China. Although the Chinese Communist party may not have particularly liked the tycoon’s riposte last week, the one thing it understands and respects more than anything else is strength. 在如何与中国打交道的问题上,扎克伯格可以从李嘉诚身上学到很多。尽管中共可能不太喜欢这位香港大亨不久前的尖锐回应,但中国最懂且最尊重的一样东西就是实力。

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